Skip to main content

Lawmakers Foul Out on Occupational Licensing—Again


Oklahoma’s got a bad occupational licensing problem, worse than other states. We don’t just regulate too many occupations (almost as many as Kansas and Missouri combined), we also overregulate; our licensing laws are the 11th most burdensome nationwide. What concerns me most isn’t either of those points, though. It’s that many of our harshest, most suffocating regulations target occupations that no thinking lawmaker should be legislating about in the first place.

To illustrate this prevalent and truly bizarre phenomenon, take 1889’s latest report, which examines the Therapeutic Recreation Act. The report finds that the Act, which mandates getting government permission to sell or advertise recreational therapy services, is flagrantly unjustified. The practice targeted by the law simply isn’t dangerous or technical enough to warrant a license, not even close.

If any reader is clueless, such as a lawmaker, rec therapy is an allied healthcare profession whose specialists promote the health and overall welfare of patients coping with or recovering from an illness, disability, or injury by helping them enjoy a hobby. Specialists may use games, crafts, animals, music or other fun leisure activities to advance this goal. But they’re not just summer camp counselors. They view themselves as serious, legitimate professionals, and indeed they work in serious environments, like hospitals and rehab clinics. But they’re not doctors or nurses. They don’t prescribe meds or make diagnoses or handle needles. No technical medical schooling is needed for their job. What they do need is patience, good verbal skills, and enough physical fitness to lift the occasional bulky wheelchair. In short, the practice is totally innocuous.

Which is why the Act is so unjust. The case for licensing is typically strongest (albeit still often weak overall) when the practitioners in question can potentially cause real harm if they commit malpractice, like airline pilots or pharmacists. That is, a licensing law, as with all laws, is supposed to serve the common good. But the Act doesn’t do that. No one is kept safer by it. No consumer is made surer of the quality of their purchases, given how transparent the practice already is. Who then, does the law benefit?

Affluent, established specialists, that’s who. Obtaining a rec therapy license is so difficult that since the Act took effect in 2010, the number of active specialists in our state has plunged 28 percent. With that decline in competition came a handsome wage increase for the specialists who could afford the time and money investment to acquire legal permission to stay in business. Laws that serve private interests at the expense of consumers are absolutely unjustifiable, and this is such a law.

But that’s not to say concerned practitioners deserve no voice. Lawmakers should acknowledge with Aristotle that humans are social animals. We cherish our churches, schools, and families for the sense of dignity and identity that accompanies membership within them. For that same legitimate reason, we cherish our guilds and professional circles, which transmit old knowledge to their new members, and confer exclusive honors and titles on them. It’s actually a fine idea to offer legal protection for this tradition, to enshrine it in the law, but only if it can be done without creating artificial monopolies that restrict economic opportunities for disadvantaged populations.

Fortunately, 1889 has written elsewhere about how to design just such a system, one based on private and voluntary certification. Such a system would allow anyone, disadvantaged or otherwise, to seek responsible financial opportunities where they exist, while also offering privately certified practitioners legal protection against those who would fraudulently claim membership in their guild. Lawmakers should act fast to install this win-win solution.

Luke Tucker is a PhD student in Philosophy at the University of Oklahoma.

Popular posts from this blog

Lack of Action from Oklahoma’s Occupational Licensing Advisory Commission

Apparently, if you’re a legislator in Oklahoma and want to look like you’re doing something about an issue while not actually doing anything at all, you pass a bill to create a commission to study the issue. At least, that’s how the Oklahoma Occupational Licensing Advisory Commission (LAC) has operated so far. According to a study I did while at the Goldwater Institute, Oklahoma ranked as the 24 th most-licensed state. A study by the Institute for Justice ranked Oklahoma 35 th in how broadly and onerous its licensing laws are. But these, and similar studies, are really just counts of how many occupations states license, so they leave out a lot of nuance. The Institute for Justice’s report does add some nuance, reporting that by its standard of measure, Oklahoma ranks 18 th in how burdensome are its licensing laws. That is an important piece of information. On the one hand, according to the Institute for Justice, Oklahoma’s licensing laws cover fewer occupations than in ma...

Oklahoma Mayors Acted Unlawfully With COVID-19 Orders

In response to COVID-19, the mayors of Oklahoma’s three largest cities subjected their citizens to draconian shelter in place orders, restricting their freedom, damaging them financially, and undermining their constitutional rights. The mayoral decrees were more restrictive than those of the Governor, and in significant ways contradicted his policy. To this day, city-mandated social distancing rules remain in place in Oklahoma City, Tulsa, and Norman that are not required by the state’s reopening plan. The mayors claim that where their rules are more restrictive than the state’s, the city rules apply. Was any of this unilateral mayoral activity legally valid? For the reasons examined in my paper published today, An Argument Oklahoma’s Mayors Acted Unlawfully During COVID-19 , the short answer is no. (A summary of the paper can be found here .) A close examination of relevant city ordinances and state laws governing the mayors’ COVID-19 decrees forces the conclusion tha...

America’s Public Schools Fail Black Children, School Choice Empowers Them to Overcome

A consistent feature of racists through history is that they have fully understood the power of education, or the lack of education, as a tool of oppression. Extraordinary efforts were taken to keep black slaves illiterate, including killing those who deigned to learn to read. After the Civil War, black schools were frequent targets of attack. It should be no surprise that the longest and hardest fight in the Jim Crow South was over public school segregation. Segregationists worked to keep African Americans from lunch counters and in the back of city buses, but they fought like hell to keep black kids out of white schools. As our nation convulses with discussions of systemic racism, nearly all of the focus has been on questions of policing and the use of force. This is appropriate, of course. But I’d like to highlight a less discussed institution for which a strong case can be made that systemic racism prevails: public education.   An accepted definition of “systemic” or “structu...

About Those Roads in Texas

A s Sooner fans head south for the OU-Texas game next week, they will encounter a phenomenon most of us are familiar with: as you cruise across the Red River suddenly the road gets noticeably smoother. The painted lane stripes get a little brighter and the roadside “Welcome to Texas” visitors’ center gleams in the sunlight, a modern and well-maintained reminder of how much more money the Lonestar State spends on public infrastructure than little old Oklahoma. Or does it? Why are the roads so much, well… better in Texas? Turns out, it isn’t the amount of money spent, at least not when compared to the overall size of the state’s economy and personal income of its inhabitants. Research conducted by 1889 Institute’s Byron Schlomach reveals that Oklahoma actually spends significantly more on roads than Texas as a percentage of both state GDP and personal income . And that was data from 2016, before Oklahoma’s tax and spending increases of recent years. The gap is likely gr...