Skip to main content

Protecting Unlicensed Occupations from Government-Sanctioned Cartels


Great care must be taken in repealing occupational licensing laws. No, not care in which licensing regimes are repealed or how quickly we are rid of them. They can all go, post haste (yes, that includes doctors and lawyers). Licensing hurts the economy to the tune of $200 Billion each year. A practitioner in a licensed field can expect to charge an unearned premium of 10-12 percent over his unlicensed peers. And licensing has shown almost no benefits in terms of improving public safety. The small benefits - such as a shorthand indicating which practitioners have received a minimum amount of training - could be better achieved through private certification without the economic harms visited by licensing regimes.  

No, the care that must be taken is in the unintended consequences of repealing individual licenses. There are times when groups of practitioners will ask the government to regulate them not because they want those sweet monopoly profits (though surely they realize such a fringe benefit) but because they fear that without such a license they will be swept into another licensed profession’s scope of practice. Many licensing boards, especially those covering a profession in which the scope of practice is closely related to the scope of practice of other licensed professions contain special waivers for other licensed professionals. So a licensed physician, social worker, or counselor, working within their sphere of expertise, will not be held to have practiced some other occupation unlicensed. 

If the legislature were to eliminate chiropractic licenses tomorrow, by Wednesday the Oklahoma Medical Board would be overrun with complaints about unlicensed practice of medicine. By Friday Physical Therapists would probably be circling as well. Both groups would see a way to eliminate a whole class of competitors, which would allow them to charge higher rates.

Since most of the state licensing boards are dominated by practitioners fears of being swallowed up by a competing board may be justified. It’s easy to imagine a group of clinical psychologists getting together and declaring that only they have the requisite knowledge to practice music therapy, given the known effects of music on mood and brain activity. Who would want to argue with such an esteemed group of experts? Especially when the penalty for unlawful practice of psychiatry comes at a price of $500 and up to 6 months in jail per day of violation.

As the legislature looks to repeal licensing regimes, it should consider these scope of practice issues. Rather than leaving a profession wholly unprotected in the face of a more powerful state-granted cartel (one recognizes their power from the fact that they will remain in place, while the less powerful regime is properly disposed of), the legislature should consider carving out the profession as not falling under the scope of practice of the powerful cartel. 

This protection should be easy to give. The licensed occupation’s definition and scope of practice could be left in place. The remaining law would then be replaced with a simple statement that anyone performing the functions described shall not be guilty of practicing any other licensed occupation without a license. To ensure that overeager cartel bosses don’t encroach, the law should indicate that the definition is to be construed broadly, so that that only someone operating well outside that definition might be violating the protectionist regime of the still-licensed occupation. 

Of course, none of this protection would be necessary if the legislature would adopt wholesale occupational licensing reform. 1889 has proposed a private certification law that would allow competing groups (competing is a key word here) to certify a given industry. Anyone who is certified by such a group is exempted from state licensure laws.

In the mean time, safeguarding newly-unlicensed practitioners will allow Oklahoma consumers to realize the benefits of the deregulated profession: a significant discount on valuable services.

Mike Davis is Research Fellow at 1889 Institute. He can be reached at mdavis@1889institute.org

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the official position of 1889 Institute.

Popular posts from this blog

OKC Public Schools Elevating a Privileged Elite over Oklahoma Taxpayers

The hypocrisy of the Soviet Union’s pretense of egalitarianism was well known enough to be the subject of mockery and parody. Ronald Reagan never tired of the jokes . Soviet communism espoused equality, but the reality is that party apparatchiks and government officials enjoyed special perks that no one else had access to. This special class wasn’t officially paid much more than the average skilled worker, but enjoyed privileges like dachas on the coast or countryside, special stores with imported goods and without the endless lines that were commonplace everywhere else, and more advanced medical treatment. For all their talk about eliminating class distinctions, the Soviet nomenklatura —those “doing the people’s work”—could feather their nest with the best of ‘em. Apparently, a similar attitude reigns in our government schools. Our friends at OCPA report that Oklahoma City Public Schools (OKCPS) will not offer in-person instruction to students for the first nine weeks of school this ...

Religious Freedom and School Choice in the Nation's High Court

When the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) begins its term next week, one of the many important cases it will consider is that of Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue , which addresses Montana’s Tax Credit Scholarship program, and gives the high court an opportunity to decide whether Blaine Amendments (which generally prohibit any state money from going to a “sectarian” purpose) violate the establishment and free exercise clauses of the first amendment, as well as the and equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment. At the very least, the justices should rule on whether Blaine Amendments (like Section II-5 of the Oklahoma Constitution) can be used to exclude religious schools from school choice programs which insulate the state from direct subsidy of religious organizations through the “genuine, independent choice of private individuals.”   The question presented to the court is “Whether it violates the religion clauses or the equal protection clause of th...

When It Comes to the Cox Center, “What if I Get to Meet a Movie Star?” Isn’t Good Enough

In a recent   post , 1889 Institute expounded on the fiduciary duty of elected officials “to act in the best interest of the people of the state as a whole,” a “high duty, executed as a public trust … wherein one puts the people’s interest above one’s own.” This fiduciary duty must not stop with elected officials. Once an elected body or an elected official – the legislature, a city council, the governor, or a mayor – has taken final action, the faithful implementation of each enacted law, policy, or program falls to an army of bureaucrats. Thus, a fiduciary duty to execute laws and policies with diligence and integrity, tantamount to that of elected officials, must extend to government employees. Recently, I had a few moments to sit down and watch a show with my children. Unsurprisingly, my son picked a series entitled “The Stinky and Dirty Show.” I was naturally skeptical that the show would yield any real value. However, as I watched, I found myself pleasantly surprised. Each ep...

Present Reforms to Keep the Ghost of State Questions Past from Creating Future Headaches

Oklahoma, like many western states, allows its citizens to directly participate in the democratic process through citizen initiatives and referendums. In a referendum, the legislature directs a question to the people — usually to modify the state constitution, since the legislature can change statutes itself. An initiative requires no legislative involvement, but is initiated by the people via signature gathering, and can be used to modify statute or amend the constitution. Collectively, the initiatives and referendums that make it onto the ballot are known as State Questions.   Recently, there have been calls to make it more difficult to amend the constitution. At least two proposals are being discussed. One would diversify the signature requirement by demanding that a proportional amount of signatures come from each region of the state. The other would require a sixty percent majority to adopt a constitutional amendment rather than the fifty percent plus one currently in place. ...