Skip to main content

Free Speech Blacklists Pose a Threat to Democracy


Many second amendment supporters fear that one day, gun control advocates will use state gun registries as a shopping list to find and steal all the privately-owned guns. These fears seem well-founded, especially in light of recent comments by certain candidates for the presidency. But there is another kind of registry we should be just as concerned about: free speech registries. Does that concept sound familiar? Perhaps not. It’s terrible branding, if you're a proponent of such measures. Much better to stoke public fears with words like “dark money.” But make no mistake, when politicians and special interest groups talk about donor disclosure for nonprofits, this is what they envision – a list of people against whom they can retaliate for speech they dislike – a blacklist. 

When a nonprofit interferes with your grand political scheme, it’s easier to bully their individual donors than it is the full time employees. Employees don’t have to fear for their employment if they expound unpopular views - they are paid to do so. But people who agree with those views and just want to take part by becoming “members” of an organization are relatively easy to intimidate. Organization employees were also aware when they took the job that they would be in the spotlight, and may be the focus of unflattering publicity. Donors and members likely have very different expectations - namely that they will have the right to disclose their membership or their giving to friends and family, or the right to keep their charitable causes private. They may be punished by an employer for creating bad press. They may be ostracized in their community. 

This issue should not be confused with campaign contribution disclosures. If it were up to me, I would allow unlimited donations to any candidate so long as it was disclosed. I don't care if a candidate is backed by a single, large donor. I do care if they are secretly backed by one or a few large donors. But that isn’t the issue here. True issue advocacy (think Heritage Foundation, the ACLU, or Oklahoma Second Amendment Association) should not require disclosure of donors. These citizens have a fundamental, God-given right to speak. These are the government watchdogs - those who root out corruption.  

This is not a partisan issue, it's a power issue. Nationally, one party tends to favor free speech registration, while the other tends to fight it, but on the state and local level, you are more likely to see tyrannical proposals in states where one party has a supermajority - regardless of which party that is. In more balanced states, legislators are able to recognize that organizations with similar ideologies are just as likely to be in the crosshairs. In one-party states, it becomes tougher to imagine that these ill-thought-out laws could be turned on any organization, including those allied with the party in power. But state politics can turn on a dime. Virginia was long a bastion of second amendment freedom. But just this term they have seen multiple proposals for gun control, and many of them seem likely to pass. Would NRA members want to live in a state where both their second AND their first amendment rights were under threat? 

Make no mistake: once the government has a list of names, it is quite easy for it to be misused by individuals with a grudge, or governments that brook no opposition. California sheriffs in the more conservative inland portion of the state have been forced to disclose the names of concealed carry permit holders under open records requests by the San Francisco Chronicle. In Arizona, the state department of education “inadvertently” released the names of Educational Savings Account recipients. Federal agents unmasked the identities of over 16,000 “U.S. persons” swept up in FISA surveillance operations in 2018. Free Speech Registry proponents want to use fear to spur onerous government regulation. Sound familiar? 

Mike Davis is Research Fellow at 1889 Institute. He can be reached at mdavis@1889institute.org.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the official position of 1889 Institute.

Popular posts from this blog

No License, Sherlock: Licensing for Private Investigators

What does a private investigator do? Surely, we’re all familiar with various movies and shows featuring the exciting adventures of Sherlock Holmes or Magnum PI. However, reality is often disappointing, and the fact is private investigation is usually dull and relatively safe. Private investigators are tasked with conducting surveillance and fact-finding missions for their clients, but they gain no special powers to do so.  My recent paper deals with the licensing of private investigators. Oklahoma’s private investigator licenses are governed by the Council of Law Enforcement Education and Training (CLEET), which follows the advice of a committee made up of people who run private investigative agencies. Improved competition is not likely to be in the best interest of these agencies, so it is questionable whether they should be in a gate-keeping position they could easily turn to their advantage. Private Investigators must undergo a series of trainings and pas...

Lease the Turnpikes to Transform Oklahoma’s Road Infrastructure

Oklahoma can make a game-changing improvement in the quality of its roads, highways, and other transportation infrastructure, and in short order. Here’s how. Back in January , I proposed monetizing large state-owned assets and using the proceeds to fund long-term budgetary needs, like underfunded pensions and transportation infrastructure. A prime candidate for monetization is the turnpike system, which I proposed leasing to private investors on a long-term basis and using the substantial windfall to improve other transportation infrastructure. Other states (most notably, Indiana) have pursued this strategy to great success, with the result being not just a financial boon to road funding but also improved management and quality of the privately operated toll roads. I conservatively estimated leasing the turnpikes would generate north of a billion dollars. A new study indicates it would probably generate more like four times that . The Reason Foundation released a study last month prop...

Top-Ten in Low Taxes, But Oklahoma Still Has Much Room for Improvement

In a comparison of states’ total taxes as well as spending in certain broad categories that the 1889 Institute has just published ( Oklahoma Government Revenues and Spending in Perspective – Update ), some interesting facts arise. Using federal data, we compared states by looking at the percentage of personal income collected in state and local government revenues. We also looked at the percentage of personal income spent in six broad spending categories: higher education, public education, public welfare, hospitals, highways, and corrections. The data shows that in 2017 Oklahoma’s state and local governments: Extract 13.2 percent of Oklahomans’ personal income in taxes and fees, moving Oklahoma into the Top Ten lowest-taxing states, ahead of Texas.   Spend 12.38 percent of personal income on the six featured spending areas (which include federal dollars), only a little below the national average of 12.7 percent. While 9th overall (least spent being first), Oklahoma is n...

Liability In the Time of Covid: When Should Businesses Be Sued for the Spread of Infectious Disease?

When businesses reopen, what liability should they face related to the spread of Covid? Can businesses who remained open during the pandemic, or those who were open before the lockdowns began, be held liable if their customers caught the virus within the businesses’ walls? If so, what would a customer-plaintiff need to prove?   Defending even a meritless lawsuit can be prohibitively expensive. For this reason, it is important to define ahead of time what harms can lead to successful lawsuits. Limitations on causes of action can reduce unwarranted suits by kicking them out of the legal system earlier in the process. So what should businesses be liable for? There are two distinct categories of business liability that might arise from Covid. The first is products liability. The second is liability for infection spread within a business.   Products Liability First, any willful fraud perpetrated in relation to Covid should be severely punished. This would include ...