Skip to main content

Is Effective Education Reform Even Possible? The Answer is “Yes.”


Education Reform. Every time a legislature meets in this country, education reform is a topic of discussion. It’s easy to see why. Our schools, especially when you consider the amount of money we spend, don’t do a very good job. It’s really not that hard to casually look around the internet and find that the U.S. ranks in the top five of all nations, year after year, in average per-student spending in public education. Unfortunately, that does not translate into results. Many nations that spend a fraction of what we do outperform us in international academic comparisons. China’s students outperform ours by four grade levels. Oklahoma’s performance is below the national average.

Anybody who knows one or more active public school teachers also knows that most of them work hard. Yes, they get longer holidays than most, and there are those relatively few who do the minimum, but there are the many who are conscientious. The problem is, they are swimming upstream in an institutional system that automatically flows to the lowest common denominator and frustrates efforts at attaining excellence.

Teachers and students (and their parents) actually work outside of education’s iron triangle – a triumvirate of organizations, companies, politicians, and professionals whose personal interests are interlocked to perpetuate the public education system as it is, regardless of how it performs. One side of the triangle consists of lobbyists, including unions and the people who work for various education-related associations, who know and understand the current system and want to preserve it in order to preserve their own worth. Another side of the triangle consists of education’s bureaucracy, especially state agencies and school district central office administrators, who stand between policy makers and teachers, and can frustrate reform efforts before they get started. And then there is the side with elected officials – school board members and legislators – whose political fortunes are often tied to the other sides. Teachers, students, and parents are generally too busy to have a real voice and serve only to camouflage the selfish motives of those who are part of the triangle.

The iron triangle is why reforms delving into the minute details of teaching, testing, curriculum content, spending, and personnel have not worked. And this is why the only reforms that have a chance of working are those that at least weaken the iron triangle. This is the intent of seven reforms, listed below, that are recommended and more fully explained in 1889 Institute’s new publication, Education Reforms to Make a Difference, first in a two or three part series of publications recommending institutional reforms for education. 

Allow for Teacher Charters – trust teachers by allowing them to independently establish charter schools on the strength of their experience and ability to assemble the financial support necessary to do so; a new concept. 

Move School Board Elections to November – end obscure, shifting election dates so voters without a financial stake in the system will show up.

Make Moving into Teaching Seamless – remove logistical obstacles to obtaining the training necessary to enter the classroom where doing so means changing careers.

Provide State-funded Teacher Professional Liability Insurance – teachers who just want liability protection should not have to pay extra dues to radicalized organizations to get it. 

Promote the Conversion School Option – inform school board members of the option to convert schools to the rough equivalent of a charter school where schools are failing; allow the State Board of Education to sponsor conversions of certain failing schools.

Reform the State’s Funding Formula – remove perverse incentives in the funding formula and require auditable contact-hour funding for students needing extra help.

Stop Requiring Superintendent Education Certification – they’re business administrators, so emphasis should be on hiring people with business administration skills.

Each of these changes would contribute to creating the kind of positive disruption of the education system that can lead to the softening of the ossified, tempered, and hide-bound education iron triangle. If we keep attempting the old reforms, depending on the goodwill of members of the iron triangle to violate their own selfish interests, those reforms will continue to shatter against a solid barrier of entrenched interests whose main interest in education is how they can profit from the system.

Byron Schlomach is Director of the 1889 Institute and can be reached at bschlomach@1889institute.org.



Popular posts from this blog

Official Statement of 1889 Institute: Open Oklahoma’s Schools

Byron Schlomach, director of the 1889 Institute, issued the following statement today regarding the ongoing school closures throughout Oklahoma as a result of the Oklahoma State Board of Education’s response to the COVID-19 virus: Way back in March, the 1889 Institute first protested school closings based on then-existing evidence that school-age children are not prone to the disease, evidence confirmed in intervening months. This evidence, combined with the failure of school districts to provide a rigorous online education and the hardship on two-earner families created by distance learning, makes it clear that closing the schools has, indeed, been a policy error of epic proportions. To that end, 1889 Institute is calling on the Board of Education to rescind its current guidance that recommends such closures and reopen traditional brick and mortar schools immediately following the upcoming Christmas break. Not doing so is a disservice to both students and parents and will have a last...

Present Reforms to Keep the Ghost of State Questions Past from Creating Future Headaches

Oklahoma, like many western states, allows its citizens to directly participate in the democratic process through citizen initiatives and referendums. In a referendum, the legislature directs a question to the people — usually to modify the state constitution, since the legislature can change statutes itself. An initiative requires no legislative involvement, but is initiated by the people via signature gathering, and can be used to modify statute or amend the constitution. Collectively, the initiatives and referendums that make it onto the ballot are known as State Questions.   Recently, there have been calls to make it more difficult to amend the constitution. At least two proposals are being discussed. One would diversify the signature requirement by demanding that a proportional amount of signatures come from each region of the state. The other would require a sixty percent majority to adopt a constitutional amendment rather than the fifty percent plus one currently in place. ...

How to Fix OKC’s Transit: Get Rid of It

As a new resident of Oklahoma City's downtown, I have had the "privilege" of getting acquainted with the city's public transit system. I don't have a car, so I rely on alternative means of transportation; so far, none of the public options have impressed me. The streetcar is pretty, but I walk faster than it generally moves to my destinations and have yet to benefit from it. The buses aren't much better, so I have resorted to private solutions like Lyft to get around town.  Unfortunately, my experience with OKC's public transit system isn't unique. Sadly, public transportation often doesn't work all that well, especially given the cost. Only 20 percent of OKC residents are satisfied with the city's public transportation system, according to OKC's most recent survey of residents. Any private sector service with numbers that low would be starved for business, creating room in the market for a better company to provide service to cons...

Oklahoma Mayors Acted Unlawfully With COVID-19 Orders

In response to COVID-19, the mayors of Oklahoma’s three largest cities subjected their citizens to draconian shelter in place orders, restricting their freedom, damaging them financially, and undermining their constitutional rights. The mayoral decrees were more restrictive than those of the Governor, and in significant ways contradicted his policy. To this day, city-mandated social distancing rules remain in place in Oklahoma City, Tulsa, and Norman that are not required by the state’s reopening plan. The mayors claim that where their rules are more restrictive than the state’s, the city rules apply. Was any of this unilateral mayoral activity legally valid? For the reasons examined in my paper published today, An Argument Oklahoma’s Mayors Acted Unlawfully During COVID-19 , the short answer is no. (A summary of the paper can be found here .) A close examination of relevant city ordinances and state laws governing the mayors’ COVID-19 decrees forces the conclusion tha...