Skip to main content

The Real Reason Health Care Prices Keep Rising

Much has been made of the healthcare crisis of late, but very little of it addresses two of the biggest financial problems with the system: the third party payer problem and the reality that health insurance bears no resemblance to true insurance. 

Insurance is a pooling of risk. The odds are that just over one in every 250 people will contract cancer in the next year. Cancer is an incredibly expensive disease to treat. So if 250 people got together and put aside enough savings to cover one case of cancer between them, they have effectively pooled their risk, and, on average, they should have enough to cover the statistical cancer they as a group are likely to incur.

This risk pooling works better in larger numbers. A statistician would be unsurprised if one group of 250 had four cases of cancer while three others had none. But a single group of 10,000 people is much more likely to remain near the nationwide average, and if each of the 10,000 people pays just a little extra, they should be able to cover an extra case or two. Because the risk of cancer is so remote, risk-pooling works. 

The current health “insurance” isn’t insuring against risk - a remote possibility that something might happen to an individual; it’s insuring against near-certainty. Most people are likely to get sick or injured enough to need some form of medical treatment each year. Since the Affordable Care Act outlawed catastrophic insurance - or true risk pooling - what we really see on the ground is more akin to pre-paid medical care. 

This exacerbates an already problematic third party payer issue. When someone with a catastrophic health care plan gets the flu, he is unlikely to seek medical care. For the young and healthy, the flu tends to run its course without complications. It’s only when a cold or flu lingers that he might go to his general practitioner or the urgent care center. Even then, he asks the doctor to consider the costs of the tests he wants to run. 

He’s there for two reasons: to make sure it’s not something more serious, and to get affordable treatment if it’s available. He thinks about the costs of care before deciding to seek treatment, and only does so if the gains outweigh the costs. If that same person gets cancer, he will seek whatever treatment is available and affordable to him. With catastrophic coverage, he will likely be able to afford good care, if not the most cutting edge experimental care available anywhere. 

But when we consider someone with pre-paid medical care, we know that not only is she going to have coverage for catastrophic emergencies, she is likely to go to a doctor any time she’s a bit under the weather. She has paid up front for all her medical care, so she rationally wants to get her money’s worth. The only deterrent to her is the time she will spend sitting in the waiting room, and the small co-pay she may incur. Once she gets to the doctor, there is no reason at all she shouldn’t have him look at every little thing that hurts, in addition to her flu. 

We can see two related problems trigged by the pre-paid model for health coverage. One is overconsumption/overprovision of health services. If you buy a season pass to the pool, you’re going to go a lot more often. The same is true with doctors. If a patient has an all-the-care-you-need pass (i.e. ACA-compliant coverage), it makes sense to check out every little ache and pain. The second is a disregard for the cost of various treatment options. Imagine two hypothetical flu treatments: one that relieves all symptoms after 48 hours and sells for $10 per treatment, and another that relieves all symptoms in 12 hours, but costs $1,500.  Most people who are paying their own costs out of pockets would suffer for the extra day and a half so they could afford their mortgage payment. But someone who has the buffet model is going to press for the opulent treatment. It’s only rational. 

What is not rational is continuing the national conversation on the skyrocketing costs of health care without addressing these perverse incentives. Each of us is paying for everyone else to get far more care, and care at a more expensive price, than is really needed. The fact that these costs are baked in to the price of our “insurance” should not distract us from the fact that we are all paying for them.  

Mike Davis is Research Fellow at 1889 Institute. He can be reached at mdavis@1889institute.org.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the official position of 1889 Institute.


Popular posts from this blog

How Biden/Harris and Well-educated Sophisticates Are Wrong in the Age of COVID-19

Vice President-elect Kamala Harris often declared during the campaign that “We believe in science.” And judging by the tendency of the college-educated , especially among the sophisticates living on the coasts, to agree with Harris’s positions on everything from climate change to proper precautions amid COVID-19, belief in “science” seems to many a mark of knowledge and wisdom. But is it? The modern belief in “science” increasingly appears to be a religion wherein the words of certain recognized experts are received with the reverence once reserved for the Pope. A college diploma almost serves as a permission slip to suspend one’s own judgment and reason in favor of taking the word of certain experts to heart, especially if they work in government, certain universities, or gain media credence.   This tendency to turn experts and the media into high priests of all knowledge is nothing new. In 1986, 60 Minutes ran a story about a phenomenon people experienced in cars with automatic...

No License, Sherlock: Licensing for Private Investigators

What does a private investigator do? Surely, we’re all familiar with various movies and shows featuring the exciting adventures of Sherlock Holmes or Magnum PI. However, reality is often disappointing, and the fact is private investigation is usually dull and relatively safe. Private investigators are tasked with conducting surveillance and fact-finding missions for their clients, but they gain no special powers to do so.  My recent paper deals with the licensing of private investigators. Oklahoma’s private investigator licenses are governed by the Council of Law Enforcement Education and Training (CLEET), which follows the advice of a committee made up of people who run private investigative agencies. Improved competition is not likely to be in the best interest of these agencies, so it is questionable whether they should be in a gate-keeping position they could easily turn to their advantage. Private Investigators must undergo a series of trainings and pas...

Can Government Force You to Close Your Business?

1889 Institute takes no position on whether any or all of these measures are warranted or necessary, or whether their economic fallout would inflict more human suffering than they prevent. We are simply evaluating whether they are legal.   With the unprecedented (in the last 100 years at least) reaction surrounding the outbreak of Covid-19, questions that few living legal scholars have considered are suddenly relevant.   Can a quarantine be ordered?   Can a mass quarantine, lockdown, or “cordon sanitaire” be ordered? Can businesses be ordered to change their behavior?   Can businesses be ordered to close? Can state governments order these measures? Can local governments order these measures? My legal brief addresses these issues from a statutory point of view; it is clear that state law gives the governor and mayors broad authority in a state of emergency. They must, of course, do so in a neutral way that they reasonably believe will help preve...

Oklahoma Mayors Acted Unlawfully With COVID-19 Orders

In response to COVID-19, the mayors of Oklahoma’s three largest cities subjected their citizens to draconian shelter in place orders, restricting their freedom, damaging them financially, and undermining their constitutional rights. The mayoral decrees were more restrictive than those of the Governor, and in significant ways contradicted his policy. To this day, city-mandated social distancing rules remain in place in Oklahoma City, Tulsa, and Norman that are not required by the state’s reopening plan. The mayors claim that where their rules are more restrictive than the state’s, the city rules apply. Was any of this unilateral mayoral activity legally valid? For the reasons examined in my paper published today, An Argument Oklahoma’s Mayors Acted Unlawfully During COVID-19 , the short answer is no. (A summary of the paper can be found here .) A close examination of relevant city ordinances and state laws governing the mayors’ COVID-19 decrees forces the conclusion tha...