Skip to main content

The Real Reason Health Care Prices Keep Rising

Much has been made of the healthcare crisis of late, but very little of it addresses two of the biggest financial problems with the system: the third party payer problem and the reality that health insurance bears no resemblance to true insurance. 

Insurance is a pooling of risk. The odds are that just over one in every 250 people will contract cancer in the next year. Cancer is an incredibly expensive disease to treat. So if 250 people got together and put aside enough savings to cover one case of cancer between them, they have effectively pooled their risk, and, on average, they should have enough to cover the statistical cancer they as a group are likely to incur.

This risk pooling works better in larger numbers. A statistician would be unsurprised if one group of 250 had four cases of cancer while three others had none. But a single group of 10,000 people is much more likely to remain near the nationwide average, and if each of the 10,000 people pays just a little extra, they should be able to cover an extra case or two. Because the risk of cancer is so remote, risk-pooling works. 

The current health “insurance” isn’t insuring against risk - a remote possibility that something might happen to an individual; it’s insuring against near-certainty. Most people are likely to get sick or injured enough to need some form of medical treatment each year. Since the Affordable Care Act outlawed catastrophic insurance - or true risk pooling - what we really see on the ground is more akin to pre-paid medical care. 

This exacerbates an already problematic third party payer issue. When someone with a catastrophic health care plan gets the flu, he is unlikely to seek medical care. For the young and healthy, the flu tends to run its course without complications. It’s only when a cold or flu lingers that he might go to his general practitioner or the urgent care center. Even then, he asks the doctor to consider the costs of the tests he wants to run. 

He’s there for two reasons: to make sure it’s not something more serious, and to get affordable treatment if it’s available. He thinks about the costs of care before deciding to seek treatment, and only does so if the gains outweigh the costs. If that same person gets cancer, he will seek whatever treatment is available and affordable to him. With catastrophic coverage, he will likely be able to afford good care, if not the most cutting edge experimental care available anywhere. 

But when we consider someone with pre-paid medical care, we know that not only is she going to have coverage for catastrophic emergencies, she is likely to go to a doctor any time she’s a bit under the weather. She has paid up front for all her medical care, so she rationally wants to get her money’s worth. The only deterrent to her is the time she will spend sitting in the waiting room, and the small co-pay she may incur. Once she gets to the doctor, there is no reason at all she shouldn’t have him look at every little thing that hurts, in addition to her flu. 

We can see two related problems trigged by the pre-paid model for health coverage. One is overconsumption/overprovision of health services. If you buy a season pass to the pool, you’re going to go a lot more often. The same is true with doctors. If a patient has an all-the-care-you-need pass (i.e. ACA-compliant coverage), it makes sense to check out every little ache and pain. The second is a disregard for the cost of various treatment options. Imagine two hypothetical flu treatments: one that relieves all symptoms after 48 hours and sells for $10 per treatment, and another that relieves all symptoms in 12 hours, but costs $1,500.  Most people who are paying their own costs out of pockets would suffer for the extra day and a half so they could afford their mortgage payment. But someone who has the buffet model is going to press for the opulent treatment. It’s only rational. 

What is not rational is continuing the national conversation on the skyrocketing costs of health care without addressing these perverse incentives. Each of us is paying for everyone else to get far more care, and care at a more expensive price, than is really needed. The fact that these costs are baked in to the price of our “insurance” should not distract us from the fact that we are all paying for them.  

Mike Davis is Research Fellow at 1889 Institute. He can be reached at mdavis@1889institute.org.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the official position of 1889 Institute.


Popular posts from this blog

About Those Roads in Texas

A s Sooner fans head south for the OU-Texas game next week, they will encounter a phenomenon most of us are familiar with: as you cruise across the Red River suddenly the road gets noticeably smoother. The painted lane stripes get a little brighter and the roadside “Welcome to Texas” visitors’ center gleams in the sunlight, a modern and well-maintained reminder of how much more money the Lonestar State spends on public infrastructure than little old Oklahoma. Or does it? Why are the roads so much, well… better in Texas? Turns out, it isn’t the amount of money spent, at least not when compared to the overall size of the state’s economy and personal income of its inhabitants. Research conducted by 1889 Institute’s Byron Schlomach reveals that Oklahoma actually spends significantly more on roads than Texas as a percentage of both state GDP and personal income . And that was data from 2016, before Oklahoma’s tax and spending increases of recent years. The gap is likely gr...

The Problem of Diffuse Costs and Concentrated Benefits

Do you ever find yourself observing a seemingly illogical government program , spending decision, or other strange practice and ask “how is it that no one has fixed that?” If you are like me, you encounter this phenomenon regularly. This often takes the form of a curious headline (Save Federal Funding for the Cowboy Poets!) that most people see and can’t believe is real. I would like to suggest that this phenomenon often results from the problem of diffuse costs and concentrated benefits. To understand this concept, consider a hypothetical law that assessed a $1 tax on everyone in the United States with the proceeds to be given to one individual for unrestricted use as he sees fit. The people harmed by such a law—the individual taxpayers—will not be very motivated to spend the time and effort to convince Congress to change the law. They might resent the dollar taken from them for a silly cause they don’t support, but the lost dollar isn’t worth the trouble of doing something about i...

Gratitude for Restrained Government, and Restraints on Government

We at the 1889 Institute spend a lot of time critiquing government . I mean a lot . It’s what we do: we want to make government the best it can be, and that starts with identifying its flaws . But it is important, from time to time, to acknowledge that on the whole, Americans have it pretty good when it comes to governance. Here’s what I’m thankful for in government this year:   National defense . We live in perhaps the freest society that has ever existed. That would assuredly not be so if it were not for our strong commitment to deterring every foreign threat to our national sovereignty. What use is restrained government if a country is not safe from foreign invaders? Courts . Courts not only determine who is guilty of a crime and who is not, they also provide a forum to resolve sometimes vicious disputes without violence. If free trade is the bridge to human flourishing, then a legal system that upholds property rights, enforces contracts, and deters crime forms t...

Protecting Your Rights: Interpreting Law by Its Plain Meaning

When deciding whether people have broken laws, should judges consider the intent of the legislators who wrote the law? Or simply consider the plain language of the law as written? Legal scholars have debated this question for decades. However, there is only one answer that protects We The People. The Declaration of Independence states, “Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” This means, among other things, that only laws actually voted on by the people (or their validly elected representatives) can be legitimately enforced. Any purpose not written into the law was not voted on, and so should not be imposed. What does this have to do with interpreting laws? In the republican form of government, the citizens speak through their elected representatives. These representatives pass laws collectively, almost always through two legislative bodies (House and Senate) and an executive (President or...